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The Kingdom of Morocco, a part of the Maghreb region, shares cultural,
historical and linguistic ties with other countries of the region. It has a 99
percent Arab Berber population; the remaining population comprising Christians
and a small Jewish community. The country is a constitutional parliamentary
monarchy, with King Mohammed VI as the current Monarch and an elected bicameral
Parliament, comprising the Majlis an Nuwab (the Assembly of Representatives, 395
members elected for a five year term) and the Majlis al Mutasharin (the Assembly
of Councillors, 270 members, elected for a nine year term). Opposition political
parties are legal and the country has a multi-party system. Executive power is
exercised by the government and legislative power rests with both the government
and the bicameral Parliament.
Morocco is a country of contrasts. There is no denying this country has
tremendous attraction for the very rich, seeing the relative freedom it has from
strict Islamic mores. The gap between the rich and poor in the country, however,
is one of the widest in the Arab world. Some experts state that about 15 percent
of the population live on an income of $2 per day. The literacy rate is slightly
above 50 percent and analysts feel there is lack of opportunity and uncertainty
about the future among the younger generation. Unemployment in Morocco stands at
19.1 percent of the working population in 2012.
Movement for Change
A restless and dissatisfied younger generation is the surest recipe for
political upheaval. So it was in Morocco, where the people in the tens of
thousands, taking the Arab Spring in the region for inspiration, started
demonstrating peacefully in the capital, Rabat, on February 20, 2011. People
also demonstrated in other cities, like Casablanca, Marrakesh, Tangiers, Fez and
Aghadir and organised an umbrella organisation, called the “February 20 Movement
for Change”. The groups comprising this movement were the Moroccan Association
for Human Rights (AMDH) and the United Socialist Party (PSU), a leftist group.
The Islamic Justice and Charity Organisation (JCO-Al Adl Wal Ihsan), an Islamic
party keen to take advantage of the situation also joined the protest.
The spark was provided by a group of young Moroccans, who called for these
demonstrations through a YouTube video that stated their demands for freedom and
equality. The demonstrators called on King Mohammad VI to reduce his own powers
in politics through changes in the constitution, dismiss his government and
eliminate corruption. The people did not want removal of the king, but called a
new constitution, under which they would be “citizens and not subjects”. The
institution of the Monarchy remained inviolate, but Prime Minister Abbas El
Fassi and his numerous family members holding government posts, came in for
sustained criticism for corruption.
The demonstrations, however, soon turned violent when a bank in the northern
city of Al Hoceima was set ablaze by rioters. Interior Ministry sources said
that they had recovered five charred bodies from the wreckage. Another 120
people were arrested in the unrest. The injured numbered 128, including 115
members of the security forces. There were incidents of stone throwing and the
police were reported to have used tear gas to control crowds. In the northern
town of Larache there were reports of “rioters and ex-convicts” having entered
the customs building and looting confiscated drugs and alcohol.
A Slew of Reforms
The king was, thereafter, quick to announce impending change in a speech on
March 9. He announced the establishment of a committee, aimed at preparing the
draft of a new constitution which would, inter alia, place further limitations
on the powers of the monarch. The committee was headed by Abdellatif Menouni, an
advisor of the king, and a clear indication of where the inspiration for the new
constitution would lie. He also promised the creation of a new national human
rights body and early legislative elections. The monarch additionally pledged to
strengthen economic regulations, improve transparency in the public procurement
process, reform the justice sector, advance government decentralisation and
expand press freedom.
The constitutional reforms were voted in on July 1. The amended constitution,
inter alia, stated that the king would appoint the prime minister from the party
that won the most seats in the elections, instead of the earlier practice of
nominating a technocrat to the post if no party enjoyed a decisive edge in the
elections. The king’s power to appoint persons to high office was passed on to
the premier, as was the power to dissolve Parliament, and the premier would also
preside over the council of government, which prepares general policy of the
state, a position held earlier by the King. The king, however, retained control
of the armed forces, security issues, foreign policy, religion and the authority
of dismissing the prime minister.
The Promise of a New Tomorrow?
In September, the promised legislative elections were held and resulted in a
victory for the Islamist Justice and Development Party (PJD), which won 107
seats, twice as many as its nearest competitor (the nationalist conservative
Istiqlal Party, which won 60 seats). PJD General Secretary Abdelilah Benkirane
was subsequently named the head of the new government. One thing became
immediately clear – despite Morocco’s modernist credentials and relaxed
environment, the appeal of religion was strong. Benkirane, who does not have an
absolute majority in Parliament, heads a coalition government, comprising the
Istiqlal, Popular Movement (MP-32 seats) and Part of Progress and Socialism
(PPS-18 seats). The PJD has announced that the new government’s top priority
would be, inter alia, to fight corruption, foster equitable economic development
and promote social justice and to “reform within stability, a third way between
revolution and authoritarianism”.
The promises of the new government notwithstanding, many Moroccans express
scepticism and are quite cynical regarding the elected officials. Some people
wonder if the PJD led government would be any different from earlier corrupt and
ineffectual governments. The continuation of violent clashes between the police
and youth in Taiz, after the new government took over, gives credence to this
line of thought. The government’s promise of ending unemployment totally
evaporated soon after the government came to power and in February 2012, one
more unemployed youth, Abdelwahab Zaidoun, set himself afire and died in Rabat.
The anger of the people against the “bearded government”, as it is sarcastically
referred to in the press, does not arise only out of the confrontation with the
police. There is a feeling in a section of Morocco’s society that the arrival of
the Islamists in government was little more than political manipulation by the
government.
Despite the animosity that exists between the protestors and the police, the
Moroccan “Arab Spring” is relatively genteel and the king seems to have avoided
the upheaval that took place in other regional Arab countries. The most
controversial issue that surfaced during the debate over the constitution
related to whether Morocco would be defined as an Islamic state. This issue
highlights the problem that exists between the Islamist parties and the ‘civil’
ones, this being a diplomatic nicety to describe ‘secular’ parties, the latter
term being almost an anathema in classical Islam. For the time being, however,
even the PJD and its leader, Benkirane are strong defenders of the Monarchy. The
king is revered and respected by all Moroccans, who regard Mohammad VI as
sincere, hard working and good hearted.
The Future of Liberal Morocco
As such, Morocco’s version of the Arab Spring will remain essentially civilised;
a movement confined to securing political and economic reform without
threatening the present system. The country is viewed by the United States
Government as an important ally in the fight against terrorism and an important
trade partner. It is the recipient of US foreign assistance funding for
counterterrorism and socioeconomic development. Sale of US defence equipment is
also authorised to Morocco and, in 2004, US President George Bush designated
Morocco as a major non-NATO ally. The US strongly supports the Moroccan Monarchy
and the country’s political reform efforts. In today’s unipolar world, Morocco’s
future is safe from organised turmoil.
The country is far too liberal in its approach to fall victim in the foreseeable
future to the efforts of radical Islam. The days of popular movements like the
French Revolution have long gone and no likelihood exists of opposition elements
being nurtured by international players to the point of revolution, as they were
in Libya and Syria. As such, the Moroccan opposition will continue its civilised
protests for political change and the monarchy, which is well set, will continue
liberalising political life in the country.
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