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February 2013

 
 

 

 

 

 
 
 

Pakistan’s Ceasefire Violation
Understanding Strategic and Operational Implications

By Balaji Chandramohan                              

It is time that India’s government understands the sentiments of both the Indian public and army and asks the right question to Pakistan, “What kind of people do you think we are?”

     

   

When Franklin D Roosevelt learned of the surprise attack on Pearl Harbour, he marvelled that Japan would take on the United States. “What kind of people do they think we are?” he said.

One must note that Japan formally didn’t declare war on the United States in 1941, but still went to launch a sneak attack on the Pacific Fleet stationed at Hawaii, which was then not included as a state of the United States.

What happened after Pearl Harbour was history. However, it was true that Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbour was a tactical victory with operational and strategic failure.

In a similar vein, the recent Pakistan army’s initiation in the Line of Control over the killing of two Indian soldiers and continuous ceasefire violation (established in 2003) is in many ways is an audacious effort. The issue at present is within the reach of the two armies at the tactical level within the border, and operational level with India’s Northern Command ready to exercise “lot of options”

Despite repeated warnings from Indian side, Pakistan has violated the norms of the existing cease fire even after a Brigadier-level flag meeting between the two countries.

At present, the issue is at the tactical and operational level, as stated by General Bikram Singh, Chief of Army Staff. In particular, as stated by the General, the Northern Command will retaliate to Pakistan’s attack. It is also true that Pakistan, whose record on human rights is very poor within its border, has acted in a ‘gruesome’ and ‘unpardonable’ way, as pointed out by General Bikram Singh.

Islamabad’s Insecurities

But far from the occurrences at the border-level, it is to be understood that India, from being a regional power in the South Asia, is trying to expand its power and status in the international arena and is actively courted by western powers to contain China in the newly coined Indo-Pacific region. Pakistan, which has always felt insecure about New Delhi’s rise, has always tried to box India in South Asia with repeated provocations, including cross-border terrorism and most recently, violating the accepted cease-fire agreement. It is a coincidence that whenever Washington wants to move itself away from South-Central Asia and concentrate its efforts towards containing China in the Asia-Pacific region, it is Islamabad, and not Beijing, that suffers increased insecurity.

To buttress the above argument, 26/11 in Mumbai happened exactly when more pressure was supposedly to be exerted on Pakistan from Washington for both counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency operations in Afghanistan. Islamabad feels that whenever there is more international pressure on it then there is a way out to distract this attention by bringing the issue of Jammu and Kashmir to the highlight of the international media.

New Delhi’s Cautious Response

Those in India, which happens to have a favourable policy towards Pakistan, should understand that the world, especially countries in the Asia Pacific, view India differently, especially since New Delhi is expected to act as a counter-weight to China in the region, both economically and militarily. With such an expectation, the last thing that anybody would like to see is an Indian soldier being treated brutally by the Pakistan army in complete violation of the existing diplomatic codes established in the Geneva Convention.

India has, in fact, treated Pakistan with more care than it actually deserves with repeated diplomatic overtones and confidence building measures. Even now, the Indian army has shown tremendous restraint despite repeated prodding from across the border. Diplomatically, the Indian government has exercised pressure on Islamabad by summoning the Pakistan High Commissioner and expressed its displeasure over this gross violation of the existing cease-fire.

However, as pointed by General Bikram Singh, there is a limit to the patience of both the Indian Army, the second largest in the world and the Indian public in general. The Indian Army, which has adhered to professional civilian control over it has got enough powers within the operational and tactical reach to retaliate if provoked repeatedly from across the border. We cannot discount the numerical superiority of the Indian armed forces with respect to Pakistan - India’s three strike corps alone would be able to decide a full-fledged war, a fact that Pakistan’s establishment is well aware of.

Pakistan has always taunted India with the option of limited protracted war strategy under a nuclear blackmail very well understanding that the former cannot withstand a full-fledged war with India, either conventionally or in terms of nuclear weapons. But the ploy is to bring the Western powers, especially Washington, to play the role of an arbitrator in an Indo-Pakistan dialogue. As pointed by former US Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, “Pakistan is an international migraine”

Evaluating Strategic Options

The Indian political establishment needs to understand that unlike its own army which is professional, Pakistan’s army is both Praetorian and, in recent times, has become Revolutionary under the influence of Islam. Therefore, the tactical and operational dealings are more in tune with a strategy to get more attention from Washington.

The ceasefire violations have come exactly at a time when Pakistan will be faced with two specific strategic dilemmas. First, with the exit of the International Security Assistance Force from Afghanistan in 2014, the importance to the Af-Pak region will decrease in Washington’s strategic calculus. Second, with the Washington’s forward military policy aimed at containing China in the Asia Pacific, Pakistan has to take an urgent call on whether it would align with the United States or China. Considering its inability to answer these contentious strategic issues in a pragmatic manner, Pakistan has resorted to the tried and tested policy of provoking New Delhi for a military action in LoC. India’s strategic establishment should find out a way of putting Pakistan’s in its place operationally, and determining an effective strategic response for Islamabad’s increased aggressiveness.

There are two specific options in place. First, the use of Special Operation Forces from Indian side to counter Pakistan’s brutality and, second, to contemplate the use of the Cold Start Doctrine for retaliation across the border. The Indian Army will be happy to use either of the two options, or at least one of it, but the call will be a strategic one that the Indian political establishment needs to take.

It is time that India’s democratically elected government understands both the sentiments of Indian public and the Indian Army, and asks the right question to Pakistan “What kind of people do you think we are?”

 

Balaji Chandramohan is associated with the Centre for Joint Warfare Studies, a think tank of Headquarters Integrated Defence Staff and handles the Communication Cell of the Bharatiya Janata Party, the principal opposition party in India. He is also a member of the Australian Labour Party and New Zealand Labour Party. Views expressed in the article are his own and not necessarily of his political affiliations and think-tank.

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